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The influence of the film reached well beyond US borders. During the 1989 elections in Poland, for example, a Solidarity election poster showed Cooper as Will Kane under the heading "At High Noon." The implied message was that Solidarity, like the cowboys of the Old West, stood for justice and freedom. Some years later, Solidarity's chairman, Lech Walesa, wrote in a Wall Street Journal op-ed on June 11, 2004, "Cowboys in Western clothes had become a powerful symbol for Poles. Cowboys fight for justice, fight against evil, and fight for freedom, both physical and spiritual."
But has America's Western star lost its luster? A recent BBC World Service poll contacted over 26,000 people in 25 countries and found the image of the US deteriorating. Only 29 percent of those surveyed felt the US currently has a positive influence on world affairs. It would seem that the image of the lone cowboy no longer plays well overseas.
The romance of the American West is largely a Hollywood reconstruction of what was originally an attempt to write serious history. In a series of essays begun in 1893, the American academic Frederick Jackson Turner suggested that US history—and American values—could be explained by the presence, for over 300 years, of a western frontier. Turner argued that American democracy—never completely realized in America—more closely approached its ideal as this frontier expanded.
To Turner, the frontier was the crucible in which social injustices and inequalities were broken down. He held that the availability of free land in the West—at least through most of the 19th century—bred opportunity, freedom, and democracy for the rest of the country. In his view, new social conditions evolved as older institutions were subjected to the transforming influence of free land.
A century out, the shortcomings in Turner's thesis seem obvious. Considerable amounts of America's western land ended up in the hands of large cattle, timber, and mining companies—not in the hands of settlers. And the land wasn't free; it was stolen from the Native Americans who had been living on it for thousands of years. But the legacy of 100 years of Hollywood Westerns does not fade easily. American symbols of the West—from blue jeans to TV Westerns—still contribute to America's image overseas as well as to Americans' view of themselves.
The frontier myth was also slow to die. After the close of America's western frontier, Turner saw powerful factions still lobbying for territorial expansion outside the country's North American boundaries. He noted in particular the Hearst-media-inspired Spanish-American War (1898) and the subsequent acquisition of Puerto Rico and the Philippines by the US, as well as the American annexation of Hawaii.
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American expansionism, in its broadest sense, remains a concern to many outside the US today. There is a fear in some cultures that the US is seeking to impose its way of life. As Dick Martin, a former executive vice president of AT&T and the author of Rebuilding Brand America (Amacom, 2007), told us recently, "What [many] fear is America imposing its own values, particularly in the business area, and that they're losing their own cultures. To many people, globalization is Americanization."
But Martin also points to another widespread fear—that of US military expansionism. He told us he recently ran across a statistic indicating that majorities in many countries are afraid that the US is going to intervene militarily in their country. "This wasn't just in the Middle East," he said. "This was around the world."
Although Martin feels the experience of World War II should have allayed these fears, this has not happened. "We had the perfect opportunity to establish an American empire [after WWII]," he says, "and we didn't. We did exactly the opposite. We opted for international institutions like the UN and IMF. We opted for settling disputes through peaceful means." He attributes the persistence of the fears to the mixed signals the US has been sending to the rest of the world. "The source of a lot of ill feeling toward the US comes from a belief that we no longer consider ourselves constrained by international law and previous agreements. And, in fact, our recent history has been one of refusing to participate in international agreements [such as the Kyoto Protocol, a United Nations climate-change document that the US has signed but refused to ratify]."
As for the Middle East, Martin cited a study that showed that teenagers in Muslim countries learn much of what they know about the US from our movies and television programs. "As a result," he said, "they think of the US as being filled with promiscuous women and as a very violent society."
Arlo Brady, a special advisor to Freud Communications in London, suggests that the problem of selling Brand America must essentially come down to developing positive emotional connections. As Brady wrote to us, "If, as is the case with the reputation of the US in the Middle East, a large chunk of the target audience already has a strongly negative emotional connection with the US, then transparent communication of reality is called for to challenge perception."
Thomas Cromwell, president of East West Communications, a consultancy specializing in nation branding, feels the US—at least at the official level—has failed on that score. "Those tasked with communicating the American position to the rest of the world, and in particular now the Islamic world, seem not to have done well in achieving recognition of a shared sense or perception of what America is all about," he told us in an email. "I think this is due in large measure to the limited perspective of those working in the State Department and elsewhere. They see their role as having to explain America and American policies to an audience that does not understand America."
Transparency is definitely not the hallmark of Foggy Bottom (i.e., the US State Department). Perhaps recognizing this, Karen Hughes, the current US undersecretary of state for public diplomacy, recently called on US companies to promote positive images of the US abroad and to fund projects, such as English-language teaching, that assist it.
But will this approach work? Cromwell is skeptical. "Nation branding involves so many diverse elements, including the subtleties of culture, tradition, faith and history. Are the corporate experts really the right people to articulate and sell America's brand?"
Wally Olins, co-founder of the London-based brand consultancy Wolff Olins, also told us he believes the effort unlikely to succeed. "Are you going to tell McDonald's to behave differently? How are you going to handle that? It's very, very difficult. Almost all of the promotional material that emerges from America is in the hands of private organizations. It's in the hands of corporations. And corporations will behave as they think appropriate."
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Although Martin holds out somewhat more hope for businesses as ambassadors of Brand America, it comes with a caveat. "Many of the best American companies are a good model for the [US] government in dealing with publics outside our borders," he tells us, adding, "American business also has to clean up its act." Pointing to the poor image overseas of some US business practices (at Enron, WorldCom, and Tyco International, to name three examples), he says, "If you add it all up, the message it sends is that we're a country that is very selfish, self-centered, and we'll do anything to get what we want." He notes, "The Wild West myth persists. And it may have fed some of the exaggerated perceptions about America."
Olins sees a silver lining even here, however. "The way that people are paid and the way in which there is no safety net for poor people, or very little, all that is traditional to a country where independence of spirit and independence of behavior is prized more than collegiate," he says, while adding, "There are other aspects of it that are very attractive. If there is an opportunity to fail, there is an opportunity to steal. There is also an opportunity to do incredible things." And that would seem to make a pretty good ending to this story, even by Hollywood standards.
But perhaps there's an even better one. Turner fully expected that Americans would seek new frontiers in the pursuit of knowledge after the Western frontier had disappeared. And since frontier conditions would no longer be able to produce social equality, he thought American democracy would increasingly be given shape by other social and economic forces—with occasional government intervention.
Certainly America's immense technological prowess—from the time of Henry Ford to the present—bears witness to equality of opportunity even in the absence of a Western frontier. Noted Olins, "Wherever you look, whether it's Google or Yahoo or IBM or Microsoft or Apple, it's American. But it could be led by a Chinese or by an Indian. Or in the case of Andy Grove at Intel, it could be led by a Hungarian."
Thomas Cromwell believes America's message to the world should emphasize exploration of these kinds of knowledge-based, non-territorial frontiers. "I do think that pioneering is a critical element of American psychology, starting with the movement West and continuing on to space and other non-geographical horizons, including science, technology, and business." He added, "The challenge for marketers of Brand America is to get the world to join America in its big-picture quest to improve the world for everyone, to keep expanding the frontiers of knowledge and science, to keep expanding the opportunities and quality of life."
Now that's a Hollywood ending.
[2-Apr-2007]
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Randall Frost, a freelance writer based in the Old West, is the author of The Globalization of Trade. His work has appeared in Worth, The New England Financial Journal, CBSHealthWatch and a variety of educational publications.
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